The Court of Justice gives Ms Vestager two Christmas presents: the Commission wins its appeals in Aer Lingus/Ryanair and in Banco De Santander/Autogrill España

In the midst of a flood of significant judgments on a number of areas of EU law handed down today, the CJEU has given judgment on two important State aid cases. In each case, the Commission won its appeal against an adverse finding of the General Court.

In Joined Cases C‑164/15 P and C‑165/15 P Commission v Aer Lingus and Ryanair, (http://curia.europa.eu/juris/document/document.jsf?text=&docid=186499&pageIndex=0&doclang=EN&mode=req&dir=&occ=first&part=1&cid=561536) the Court of Justice restored the orthodox position that the amount of aid to be recovered is the amount of aid given (plus interest), not the amount by which the beneficiary has economically benefited from the aid.

Those amounts can be very different. For example, if a company is given €10m to build a factory in a remote location rather than in a convenient location, the grant may do no more than overcome the additional costs of locating in that area. If that grant is found to be unlawful State aid and ordered to be recovered, the company can be left well out of pocket: it does not have the €10m, and has a factory in a remote location rather than a convenient one.

In the Aer Lingus case, the aid came in the form of a lower rate of Irish air transport tax for very short flights. The tax was a fixed amount per passenger, and was passed onto the passenger in the form of higher ticket prices. The Commission’s decision ordered Ireland to recover from the beneficiary airlines the difference between the lower and higher rates. The airlines argued that that failed to reflect the fact that the benefit of the lower rate was effectively passed onto the passengers and could not be recovered from the passengers: so the effect of that recovery was to put the beneficiary airlines in a worse position than the airlines who paid higher rate tax (because those airlines, too, had simply passed the duty on).

The General Court agreed with the airlines, and limited recovery to the amount by which the airlines could be said to have gained business as a result of paying a lesser rate.

The CJEU overturned the General Court and agreed with the Commission. At §92, the CJEU summarises the position:

recovery of [unlawful] aid entails the restitution of the advantage procured by the aid for the recipient, not the restitution of any economic benefit the recipient may have enjoyed as a result of exploiting the advantage. That benefit may not be the same as the advantage constituting the aid and there may indeed be no such benefit, but that cannot justify any failure to recover that aid or the recovery of a different sum from that constituting the advantage procured by the unlawful aid in question.

That is a clear restoration of the orthodox dogma.

Those who adopt a questioning attitude to the dogmas of State aid may, however, find that statement unsatisfying. What principle underlies the distinction between the “advantage” (the crude “cash value” of the aid) and the “benefit” (the amount by which the beneficiary actually benefited)? Without a satisfactory justification in principle, the fact that a beneficiary can end up having to “repay” far more than it ever actually benefited begins to look penal (particularly as it is not the beneficiary that has breached the rules, but the Member State).

It is, in the present writer’s view, hard to discern a coherent principle behind the dogma. The CJEU notes (at §89) that the aim of a recovery order is “to restore the situation as it was before the aid was granted”: but that ignores the point that (in the present case as well as in the case of the factory example above) the effect of the recovery order is to leave the beneficiary very significantly worse off than it was before the aid was given. More telling, perhaps, is the Court’s observation at §91 that “the recovery of unlawful aid with a view to re-establishing the status quo ante does not imply reconstructing past events differently on the basis of hypothetical elements such as the choices, often numerous, which could have been made by the operators concerned, since the choices actually made with the aid might prove to be irreversible”: that is, in the present writer’s view, a fancy way of saying that, because it can be difficult to establish economic benefit (since it will to some extent involve establishing a counterfactual) the effort should not even be made. That is not principle: it is expediency.

Another interesting aspect of the case – although one on which the CJEU upheld the General Court – is that the difference in treatment was also attacked as contrary to Article 56 TFEU (freedom to provide services) on the basis that it subjected higher rate flights – more likely to be between Ireland and other Member States – to a higher tax than that applied to flights likely to be within Ireland. The beneficiary airlines pointed out that, if that was right, the airlines that paid higher rate would be entitled to a refund of unlawfully levied tax under the well-known San Giorgio principle. If that happened, the tax difference that was the substance of the State aid would vanish.

The CJEU dismissed that argument. It pointed out that it was for the national courts to enforce san Giorgio rights and that, at the time of the decision, there had been no successful claim. The Commission had to proceed on the basis of matters as they stood.

Again, that approach appears artificial: it appears to leave open the very unattractive prospect that the beneficiary airlines will find themselves having to bear the burden of the higher rate duty when those airlines on which it was actually imposed obtain San Giorgio refunds. Matters may, though, not be quite that simple: the Irish tax authorities may well (given the fact that the tax was passed on) have an “unjust enrichment” defence to the San Giorgio claims: and to the extent that those claims succeed, there would seem to be no reason in principle why the beneficiary airlines (who are now, in effect, required to pay the higher rate tax) should not also be able to make such claims. It will be for the Irish courts to deal with those matters.

Ms Vestager’s other victory today is in Joined Cases C‑20/15 P and C‑21/15 P Commission v World Duty Free (formerly Autogrill España) and Banco de Santander (http://curia.europa.eu/juris/document/document.jsf?text=&docid=186482&pageIndex=0&doclang=EN&mode=req&dir=&occ=first&part=1&cid=561536). That case concerns a Spanish tax rule that provides that, in the event that an undertaking taxable in Spain acquires a shareholding in a “foreign company” equal to at least 5% of that company’s capital and retains that shareholding for an uninterrupted period of at least one year, the goodwill resulting from that shareholding, as recorded in the undertaking’s accounts as a separate intangible asset, may be deducted, in the form of an amortisation, from the basis of assessment for the corporation tax for which the undertaking is liable. The measure at issue states that, to be classified as a ‘foreign company’, a company must be liable to pay a tax that is identical to the tax applicable in Spain and its income must derive mainly from business activities carried out abroad. The Commission found that that rule gave a selective advantage to Spanish companies that met the “foreign company” condition, and hence was unlawful State aid to such companies.

The General Court annulled that decision, essentially on the basis that the advantage created by the measure was accessible to any undertaking and was directed not to a particular category of undertakings, which would have been the only undertakings favoured by that measure, but to a category of economic transactions. Put another way, because, in principle, any Spanish company could acquire a qualifying interest in a foreign company the measure was, like the Ritz hotel, open to all and not selective.

The CJEU disagreed with the General Court. It held that the selectivity condition was met as long as the Commission could show that some undertakings qualified for the advantage and that others, in a similar legal and factual situation, did not. In the present case, the mere holding of a qualifying interest in a foreign company did not place an undertaking in a different factual and legal situation from one that did not (that assessment being made having regard to the objectives of Spanish corporation tax): and it was irrelevant that one could not pin down a specific category of undertakings (eg undertakings supplying particular goods or services) that did not satisfy the condition over and above the mere fact of failing to satisfy it.

The Banco de Santander judgment is particularly significant because of its overlap with the controversial Commission decisions in the “tax ruling” cases (Apple, Starbucks etc.). The controversy in those cases centres on the Commission’s approach to selectivity. There are differences between the cases: but the CJEU’s wide approach to the concept of selectivity is likely to be seized on by the Commission as it seeks to defend its decisions in the ongoing appeals.

GEORGE PERETZ QC

21.12.2016

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Paper on post-Brexit options for State aid

 Note: the following paper is a draft paper prepared by us (George Peretz QC and Kelyn Bacon QC) as a contribution to the Commercial Bar Association’s consideration of post-Brexit issues.  The views expressed are however ours alone.  We are grateful to Robin Griffith of Clifford Chance and Isabel Taylor of Slaughter and May for their comments on an earlier draft: any errors are ours.

In this paper, we first provide a brief summary of the EU State rules and concerns that have been expressed about them, and then consider various options that might be considered for maintaining or replacing the State aid rules, or aspects of them, after Brexit.  We conclude by looking at transitional issues that will need to be dealt with, in the agreement with the EU under Article 50 TEU and/or in the Great Repeal Bill, if it is decided not to retain the State aid rules, or to maintain them in a substantially different form.

SUMMARY

In our view, it is likely that retention of State aid control will form an essential component of any comprehensive trade deal between the United Kingdom and the EU (whether in or outside the single market).  But we also see considerable advantages to the United Kingdom in agreeing to retain such a regime: and such a regime, out of the EU, is likely substantially to reduce a number of the disadvantages of the EU regime.

In any event, a number of transitional issues will need to be dealt with in domestic legislation and/or the Article 50 agreement with the EU.

THE STATE AID RULES

The essential thinking behind the EU State aid rules (and other international prohibitions on subsidisation, such as the current WTO rules, which we discuss below) is that the grant of subsidies to firms of one State, in a single market or free trade area, will often distort competition to the detriment of competing firms from other participating States.  Put shortly, it is one thing to open up your domestic markets to foreign competition, but quite another thing to open your domestic markets up to subsidised competition.  And the freedom to export to another country without restriction is of little value if the government of that country can freely subsidise its domestic producers so as to defeat competition from imports.

On the other hand, there may well be powerful arguments for subsidies in order to achieve important domestic (or indeed pan-European) policy aims, such as regional development, promoting R&D, encouraging training, dealing with natural disasters, and supporting important fundamentally viable businesses over short-term market turbulence. These are recognised in the range of justifications that permit the Commission to authorise State aid.

The EU State aid rules (now in Articles 107 and 108 TFEU) date from the earliest days of what is now the European Union.  State aid provisions formed part of the European Coal and Steel Community Treaty in 1952, and the current provisions in the TFEU are in essential respects the same as those in the 1957 Treaty of Rome.  But it may be noted that the historical origins of the State aid rules go even further back, to the 1947 GATT: much of the wording of GATT Article 16 on subsidies found its way into the drafting of the Treaty provisions on State aid.

Brief summary of the State aid rules

In a nutshell, the State aid rules prevent Member States from granting State aid save where the Commission has approved that aid as being justified.

The essential definition of a State aid is that it is an economic advantage, granted to an undertaking out of State resources, which favours certain undertakings over others (i.e. is selective), and which potentially distorts competition and trade between Member States.

Unpacking that definition, the following important points follow in terms of the scope of the EU State aid rules.

First, the State aid rules have a wide scope.  They apply to all sectors of the economy.  They also apply to a wide variety of State measures: not just straight subsidies, but also to measures that are economically equivalent (such as access to government assets on favourable terms, favourable tax treatment, guarantees and so on).  That extensive scope means that the rules will usually catch any attempt the dress up in some other legal form what is in economic terms a subsidy.  But it also leads to criticism that that the Commission, supported by the Court of Justice, has a tendency unduly to expand the scope of the rules.  The recent controversy over the Commission’s decisions finding that tax rulings given to certain multinational companies amounted to State aid (decisions currently on appeal to the EU General Court) are a topical example.

Second, and very importantly in practice, the State aid rules do not apply to measures taken by the State that are equivalent to those that a rational private operator in the market would take (the “market economy operator principle” or “MEOP”)).  Since it is accepted that, in most cases, rational private investors might take a range of views, the MEOP in practice allows a range of measures to be taken by Member States provided that they ensure that they have sufficient evidence that the measure is one that a rational private operator could realistically have taken.

Third, they do not apply to measures that do not (even potentially) affect competition or trade between States.  It is generally accepted that the case-law of the CJEU and the practice of the Commission has set that hurdle quite low, although the Commission has recently taken a number of decisions that indicate that it is trying to raise that hurdle.  Moreover, a de minimis regulation has created a safe harbour for many small aid measures.

As noted above, the State aid rules acknowledge the existence of a range of powerful policy justifications for subsidies.  So the Commission is given wide power under Article 107(2) and (3) TFEU to approve State aids (“declare them compatible with the common market”) on a range of public policy grounds.  That approval mechanism has the following key features.

First, it is unlawful (under Article 108(3) TFEU) for a Member State to implement an aid measure before obtaining approval from the Commission (known as the “standstill obligation”).  National courts are required to enforce that rule if the matter comes before then, although there is flexibility in how that is to be done in individual cases.

Second, however, the effects of that rule have been significantly reduced in recent years by a series of block exemptions (including, most importantly, the so-called General Block Exemption Regulation, applying across a whole range of sectors to numerous types of aid measures) which automatically clear the bulk of Member States’ aid measures without any need to obtain the approval of the Commission.

Third, where individual clearance is required from the Commission, that can be obtained very rapidly in an emergency (there are some examples of banking aid being given within 24 hours); but in general it is a process that takes months or even years.

Fourth, though the EU Courts will carefully scrutinise Commission decisions as to whether a measure is or is not State aid (mainly a question of law), they allow the Commission a wide latitude in terms of its aid approval policy, intervening only in the case of legal or procedural errors, or serious flaws in reasoning or fact-finding.

CRITICISMS OF THE STATE AID RULES

We suspect that there is wide support for the aim of the State aid rules: ensuring that State subsidies that have an economically distortive effect should be given only where they are appropriate and proportionate to deal with market failures.  It may be noted that the State aid rules do not prevent either nationalisation or privatisation: and many EU countries manage a range of industrial strategies while fully complying with the State aid rules (Germany, for example).

Policy concerns about the State aid rules have generally focused on three areas.

First, as noted above, there is concern that the Commission and the CJEU have tended to widen the scope of the State aid rules to catch measures that should not be the concern of a regime whose principal purpose (at least historically) was to protect competition in the internal market against distortions caused by unjustified subsidies.  Those concerns centre on both the definition of State aid and on the approach taken to the requirements that a State distort competition and affect trade between Member States.

The second set of concerns focuses on the policy of the Commission in deciding whether to approve aid notified to it. Concerns have centred on lack of transparency, lack of economic rigour and, partly as a result of those failings, a concern that the Commission’s approach is sometimes too “political”.  In general, however, it is fair to say that the Commission (encouraged in particular by successive UK Governments as well as academic commentators) has tended over recent years both to set out its approach in different sectors in considerable detail, and to adopt a more rigorous economic approach to identifying the market failure sought to be addressed by the aid measure and to evaluating whether the measure is the most appropriate means of addressing that failure.

The third set of concerns relates to procedural issues: for present purposes the most important of these is the delay caused by the time taken by the Commission to deal with individually notified measures, given the unlawfulness of proceeding with those measures before the Commission’s approval has been obtained.  Those delays are aggravated by the delays caused by appeals to the EU Courts against Commission decisions.  There is no doubt that those delays can prove frustrating to policy-makers and to businesses whose projects depend on State support, and in some cases those delays can stop a desirable project or make it more expensive.  On the other hand, the increasing scope of block exemptions has (as noted above) substantially reduced the number of projects that have to be notified to the Commission for approval, with the consequent reduction in the risk of projects being delayed by appeals against decisions to the EU Courts.  Another area of concern is the limited procedural rights given to aid recipients in the process, even though (in the case of investigations for unlawful aid) the consequence of a finding of aid is often an order for recovery with very serious adverse effects on the aid recipient.

The various concerns summarised above were essentially those expressed by respondents to the Coalition Government’s Review of the Balance of Competences.  §3.7 of the section dealing with Competition and Consumer Policy reported that “there was broad agreement in principle on the current balance of competence on State aid, but some expressed concern about its limits, about real or apparent extension of EU competence into areas of domestic policy, and about the way State aid controls are exercised”.State aid rules in comprehensive trade agreements with the EU

OPTIONS AVAILABLE POST BREXIT

We assume here that the United Kingdom will seek to negotiate a comprehensive trade agreement with the EU.

We note in that respect that, with the exception of Switzerland, every other European country with which the EU has entered into comprehensive trade agreements has accepted that it will comply with State aid rules.  There are, in essence, two models.

The first is the EEA model.  The EEA Agreement effectively replicates the EU State aid rules[1], with the EFTA Court playing the same role as the EU Courts and the EFTA Surveillance Authority (“ESA”) playing a role equivalent to that of the Commission.  The significant differences of substance are that: –

  • the EEA Agreement does not have direct effect[2].  However, EEA States are required to (and have) incorporated into their domestic law the obligation not to implement aid unless and until approved[3] and to implement, for example, prohibition and recovery decisions by the ESA.  Moreover, EEA States must also, under that Agreement, pay damages to any third party harmed by a manifest and serious breach of the standstill obligation[4] – and the ESA has indicated that almost any breach of that obligation would trigger a duty to pay damages[5];
  • the EEA agreement does not apply to agricultural products falling outside the scope of Article 8(3) EEA, or to the fisheries sector[6]; and
  • EFTA Court opinions given in response to references from EFTA States are “advisory”, rather than binding on the courts of those Member States – see Article 34 of the Surveillance and Court Agreement.

The second is what might be called the “domestic implementation” model, and is found in agreements with European countries outside the single market.  Perhaps the most pertinent example (since it is with a large State that will not be applying for EU membership for the foreseeable future) is the Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine (“the Ukraine Agreement”)[7].  Article 262 of the Ukraine Agreement sets out the State aid rules; Article 264 provides that they are to be applied “using as sources of interpretation the criteria arising from the application of [the EU State aid rules] including the relevant jurisprudence of the [CJEU], as well as [Commission frameworks and guidance].” Article 263 requires each of the EU and Ukraine annually to report to each other on the State aid granted on each side.  Most interestingly for present purposes, Article 267 requires Ukraine to implement a domestic system of State aid control, with “an operationally independent authority … entrusted with the powers necessary for the full application of [the State aid rules][8].

As far as Switzerland is concerned, it has a series of bilateral agreements with the EU. Of those, the ones that mention State aid are the 1972 Free Trade Agreement and the 1999 Agreement on Air Transport.

The 1972 FTA contains, at Article 23(1)(iii), a general prohibition on “any public aid which distorts or threatens to distort competition by favouring certain undertakings or the production of certain goods.” We understand that this provision has not been applied in Switzerland and that as a matter of Swiss law it is of limited application.  However, the Commission has on at least one occasion raised what it regards as infringements of Article 23 with the Swiss Government[9].

The 1999 Air Transport Agreement is more thorough in its reference to familiar concepts of EU State aid law, containing at Article 13 a provision that closely reflects Article 107 TFEU. However, although specific provision is made in relation to enforcement of the Articles reflecting Articles 101 and 102 TFEU (the general prohibitions on anti-competitive agreements and abuse of dominant position) by the European Commission and the Swiss authorities, no enforcement mechanism for the prohibition is provided other than, at Article 14, a general requirement to keep measures falling within Article 13 under review.  No specific authority has been given power on the Swiss side to enforce this rule.

We also understand that Swiss law contains general prohibitions on public subsidies that fail to meet conditions of economic efficiency and a general requirement that Swiss government bodies respect competitive neutrality, but we also understand that these are not often invoked before the Swiss courts.

The EU has been prepared to negotiate agreements with countries outside Europe – notably CETA (Canada) and the ongoing negotiations on TTIP (United States) – that do not contain prohibitions on the grant of subsidies.  However, Article 7 of CETA reflects and reinforces WTO anti-subsidy obligations by providing for notification to each other of subsidies granted and for a consultation procedure between Canada and the EU if either considers that the other is harming it by granting subsidies.

What can be concluded from that brief survey is that the EU, as far as Europe is concerned, has generally insisted on compliance with State aid rules as a condition of a comprehensive trade arrangement.  (We suspect that, as in other areas, the case of Switzerland is not a reliable precedent.)  It is ultimately a question for diplomats, rather than us, whether and to what extent the EU would so insist in the case of the United Kingdom. But it is at least possible that State aid compliance will be a “red line” condition on the EU side for any comprehensive trade deal anywhere in the range between CETA and the EEA Agreement, not least because it will be hard to explain to EU voters why their employers should potentially face competition from subsidised UK businesses when their employers are unable to receive equivalent subsidies.  Moreover, the EU will bear in mind that (unlike the US or Canada) compliance with State aid rules is not a novelty as far as the United Kingdom is concerned and that the United Kingdom has considerable experience and expertise in applying the State aid rules over the last four decades.

WTO Rules

It is also important to be aware that, even outside any trade agreement with the EU containing State aid rules, the United Kingdom will, in relation to goods, still be bound by WTO anti-subsidy rules.

A good account of those rules can be found in a paper by David Unterhalter SC and Thomas Sebastian[10], as well as in Bacon “EU Law of State Aid” Ch.4[11], which we simply summarise.

As they point out, there is considerable overlap between the WTO concept of “subsidy” in Article 1 of the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing measures (the “SCM Agreement”) and the concept of “state aid” under Article 107(1) TFEU. Both concepts involve: (1) measures which are taken by governments or which are imputable to governments; (2) the grant of benefits (to use WTO terminology) or advantages (to use EU terminology) which are assessed using market-based tests; and (3) measures which are not generally applied but which are specific (to use WTO terminology) or selective (to use EU terminology). Moreover, measures which are purely regulatory in nature, for instance exemptions from labour or environmental standards, would fall outside the scope of both sets of rules as WTO law requires the presence of a “financial contribution”/ “income or price support” while EU law requires the involvement of “state resources”.

However, as they also point out, there are considerable differences between the concepts. First, the WTO regime does not apply to services, but only to goods.  Second,  measures which do not involve any cost to the government, such as a price control measure, would clearly be outside the scope of Article 107(1) TFEU but may fall within the scope of the SCM Agreement (although the extent to which the SCM Agreement applies to such measures remains somewhat unclear, as there are few decisions on this point). Likewise, the complex EU law approach to the assessment of selectivity in cases involving tax exemption measures has no direct analogue in WTO law.

Moreover, the enforcement mechanisms for the WTO rules are (i) either state-to-state dispute resolution (there being no mechanism for private enforcement, injunctions or damages, or for actions to be brought in ordinary courts) or (ii) the imposition by the adversely-affected state of countervailing duties on products from the infringing state.  (Calculation of the appropriate rate of countervailing duties is generally more complex than calculating the amount of unlawful State aid that has to be repaid.).  There is therefore no scope for WTO enforcement of the rules by private operators: they have no right of action in national courts and no independent body to which they can complain, and their only option is to persuade their own government to invoke the WTO procedure.

Finally, there is no procedure in the WTO rules for the approval of justified subsidies on public interest grounds, as is possible under Article 107(2) and (3) TFEU.

SHOULD A STATE AID REGIME BE RETAINED POST-BREXIT?

We now turn to the policy considerations which, in our view, the UK Government should bear in mind in deciding, in the context of negotiations with the EU, what, if any, State aid regime should be retained post-Brexit.

We appreciate that the State aid question will be but one of numerous issues on which the Government will need to negotiate.  However, in deciding its wider negotiating position, the Government will need to form a view on the extent to which a State aid regime imposes burdens on, or benefits, the United Kingdom, and it is this question that we address.

We start by acknowledging that any constraint on the ability of public bodies to act as they see fit in relation to the expenditure of public money requires careful justification.  That is particularly because the United Kingdom has a number of well-established means of ensuring that public money is well-spent (an advantage not enjoyed to the same degree by all EU Member States).

That said, however, we see the following advantages in retaining some form of domestic State aid or anti-subsidy control.

Domestic considerations

There seem to us to be two principal domestic considerations

The first is that the United Kingdom will want to ensure that it respects its obligations under the WTO SCM Agreement.  The UK Government can of course ensure through administrative means that its own conduct complies with those obligations.  But there are large number of public bodies which have wide powers to make their own spending decisions without reference to Whitehall.  Given the overlap between those obligations and the State aid rules, it has to date been unnecessary to consider the extent to which UK law needs to ensure that public bodies do not take measures that conflict with the SCM Agreement. But in the absence of those rules, it may well be necessary to ensure, by means of domestic law, that support measures adopted by public bodies do not put the United Kingdom in breach of its WTO obligations.

The second, linked to the first, is that increasing devolution (both to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and increasingly within England) means that there are now a large number of public bodies with their own substantial tax and spending powers independent from the financial control of the UK Government.  That strengthens the case for a form of legal control on the ability of those bodies to subsidise favoured firms: legal control that to date has been provided by the State aid rules (and is provided by the State aid rules in EU Member States with fiscally autonomous regional government, such as Germany and Spain[12]).  We recognise that there are devolution issues here (and that, under the Sewel convention, it may well be that the consent of the devolved administrations would be needed before their powers were limited by a form of State aid control).  But there is a powerful policy case for such control, given that it is in no-one’s interests for there to be “subsidy races” between different parts of the United Kingdom to attract investment.  Moreover, any such provision would do no more than re-instate the limitations until now imposed by the State aid rules.

EU considerations

There also seem to us to be advantages of retaining State aid rules in terms of protecting the interests of UK business.

First, if the United Kingdom were to enter into a commitment to comply with State aid rules (whether in the form of the EEA Agreement or the Ukraine Agreement), that would carry with it a corresponding obligation on the EU institutions to prevent State aid that harmed competition in the United Kingdom.

Further, the EU State aid rules only catch measures that (at least potentially) distort competition in the EU/EEA.  If the United Kingdom were to leave not only the EU but also the EEA, a measure that affected competition only in the United Kingdom (for example, potentially, an Irish subsidy aimed at assisting exports to the United Kingdom) would not as such be caught by the EU State aid rules[13].   In practice, the Commission would, if it objected to the measure, often be able to find that even a measure targeted at exports to a non-EU/EEA country has sufficient effects within the EU/EEA to satisfy the “effect on trade between member States” requirement: but if the reality is that the effect of a State aid measure is centred on a State outside the EU/EEA, the Commission is perhaps unlikely to make it an enforcement priority.

Those issues would not arise if the UK were to remain within the EEA or were to negotiate an agreement similar to the Ukraine agreement, since the effect of both the EEA and Ukraine agreements is to give the EU institutions the power (and the duty) to regulate State aid measures by EU Member States that harm competition in (respectively) EEA States and Ukraine.

Second, when an EU Member State takes State aid measures that harm businesses trading in (respectively) an EEA State or one of the States with agreements similar to the Ukraine agreement, the relevant Agreement gives a right of action in the courts of the Member State concerned to obtain damages.  So, for example, if the United Kingdom were party to EEA/Ukraine type State aid provisions, and if the French Government decided to subsidise steel exports to the United Kingdom, UK steel manufacturers would have the right to sue the French Government for breach of the State aid rules for losses suffered by them in the United Kingdom.  Such actions have been rare to date, though there is no doubt that in principle State liability does arise.

Third, in cases where the United Kingdom has granted subsidies to UK companies operating in the EU, the fact that such subsidies have been approved (or block exempted) under provisions analogous to the EU State aid provisions will make it in practical terms difficult for the EU to take retaliatory measures against the United Kingdom under the WTO SCM Agreement.  We should emphasise though that that is a practical rather than a legal point: Article 265 of the Ukraine Agreement makes it clear that the State aid provisions in that Agreement are without prejudice to the right of both parties to invoke the WTO SCM Agreement.

Fourth, under both the EEA and Ukraine-type arrangements, the United Kingdom would retain a role in the development of EU State aid law (which, given the importance of the EU market to the United Kingdom, will remain a matter of important policy concern for the United Kingdom).  In the EEA model, the United Kingdom would have a direct role in influencing the practice and jurisprudence of the ESA and EFTA Court, both of which in turn influence the development of Commission and Court of Justice thinking[14]. The United Kingdom’s role in the ESA and EFTA Court would be considerable, given its size and importance, and would be likely to increase the influence of the EFTA institutions.  And, as an EEA State, the United Kingdom would have the right to intervene, itself, in any EEA-relevant case (including State aid cases) before the Court of Justice[15].  But even in the Ukraine model, the United Kingdom would have a right to be consulted about and to influence any decision or policy development in the State aid field that affected its interests.

Would retaining a State aid regime outside the EU give scope for improvements vis-à-vis the current EU regime?

Compared to the EU regime, we see some advantages for the United Kingdom in moving to a State aid regime along either the EEA or the Ukraine lines.

First, although in both cases the notion of State aid would be the same as the EU concept, day-to-day enforcement would be in the hands either of the ESA (in which the United Kingdom would be a major player) in the case of the EEA agreement, or in the hands of a UK agency in the case of the Ukraine model.  As we have already pointed out, in the area of clearance of State aid on the ground of compatibility there is considerable scope for policy judgment even when detailed guidelines exist; and even in terms of the definition of State aid (which is a question of law) we do not think that either agency would be as tempted as the Commission sometimes is  “push the boundaries” (see, for example, in its controversial decisions in the tax ruling cases, which are widely argued to be an attempt to deal in the State aid field with what in fact are wider policy concerns about tax avoidance by certain multinational companies). That addresses the policy concern we identified at §11 above.

Second, in relation to the policy concern we identified at §12 above (lack of economic rigour and transparency in approval decisions), the United Kingdom would, in relation to either the ESA or a domestic agency, be in a very good position to ensure that the agency took transparent and economically rigorous decisions.  Indeed, a number of State aid law practitioners take the view that ESA decisions are clearer and better reasoned than those of the Commission, and involve greater participation by the beneficiary of aid (though that could be because the ESA takes a small fraction of the State aid decisions taken by the Commission).

Finally, in relation to the policy concern we identified at §13 above (delay) the United Kingdom would, in relation to both the ESA or a domestic agency, be in a good position to ensure both speedy decision-making and speedy appeals (we note, in that respect, that appeals to the EFTA Court typically take between six months and one year – which compares very favourably to the period of five or more years it can take to appeal a decision to the General Court and ultimately to the Court of Justice).  The ability to get substantially swifter decision-making would, in our view, very substantially improve the State aid regime compared to the present situation, and very significantly reduce the constraint and uncertainty the EU regime imposes on public authorities and on business.

Choice of model

If the Government decides that it is right to retain a State aid regime on either the EEA or Ukraine model, which is preferable?

That choice is likely largely to be dictated by the extent to which the arrangement with the EU involves UK participation in the EEA.  Full membership of the EEA would of course entail the “EEA option” in the State aid area.  But if the United Kingdom decides to make some use of the EEA institutions under some arrangement under which those institutions are “borrowed” for certain purposes, then it would seem to us to be sensible to make use of them in the State aid field, given the established expertise and reputation of both the ESA and EFTA Court.  It also avoids the legal issues and likely greater expense of setting up a national State aid regime.  It should though be noted that, due to the absence of the principle of direct effect in the EEA Agreement, the United Kingdom would have to make domestic legislative provision for the State aid rules – something which the EU doctrine of direct effect has made unnecessary to date.

Creating a national State aid regime would raise a number of issues.  The body would have to be demonstrably independent, and (given that much of its work would involve dealing with central and devolved governments) would have to be strongly protected against political pressure.  The obvious body to take that responsibility would be the Competition and Markets Authority (“CMA”), but it would have to be recognised that State aid regulation would be a considerable expansion of its responsibilities into an area that it has not to date had to deal with, and it would have to be resourced accordingly.  It also has to be recognised that conferring State aid control powers on the CMA would put the CMA in a position where it was effectively reviewing important policy decisions by Ministers.  It might be that a more “judicial” model was more appropriate, so that enforcement decisions would be taken by a court, perhaps the Competition Appeal Tribunal, on application by a specialist State aid monitoring body: but although the question of whether a measure is State aid or not is suitable for judicial resolution, the question of whether State aid is justified and should be approved on public interest grounds is not obviously one that should be decided by judges (though judicial review of such decisions would be approporiate).  A further issue is that it would be difficult to see how, in the UK constitutional system, a State aid regulator would deal with cases where the State aid was in the form of primary UK legislation: its powers would, we would have thought, there need to be confined to a declaratory power.  It would also have to be decided what powers the body had to deal with secondary legislation incorporating unlawful State aid.

We therefore think that, other things being equal, an arrangement that brought the United Kingdom into the EEA State aid regime would be the best way forward, if the present State aid regime is to be broadly maintained: and, as we suggested above, it may be that the EEA institutions can be “borrowed” for that purpose even if, in some other respects, the United Kingdom does not wish to take part in the EEA Agreement.

TRANSITIONAL ISSUES

We finally turn to transitional issues that need to be considered.  We start here by observing that uncertainty as to the transitional position – particularly if the United Kingdom does maintain some form of State aid control – could well cause delay in infrastructure projects if it is not clear how any new regime will deal with aid necessary to fund those projects.  It seems to us that the following issues arise.

The Article 50 agreement and any new arrangements with the EU or EEA would have to deal with : –

State aid notified to or being considered by, but not yet decided by, the Commission at the time of Brexit;

  • the status of any State aid cases involving the UK that were pending before the EU Courts at the time of Brexit, whether references to the Court of Justice or direct actions in the General Court (or on appeal to the Court of Justice)[16];
  • the extent of the United Kingdom’s post-Brexit obligation to annul (and usually recover) any unlawful aid implemented before Brexit;
  • the extent to which the Commission (or anyone else) had power post-Brexit to order the United Kingdom to recover unlawful aid granted before Brexit, or would the Commission be confined to opening a WTO dispute; and
  • the extent to which the United Kingdom is required, post-Brexit, to comply with the terms of any Commission decisions addressed to it before Brexit, including in particular the numerous Commission decisions approving aid schemes.

If the United Kingdom were to retain a domestic or EEA-type State aid regime, arrangements would need to be made for existing State aid decisions approving ongoing State aid measures to “carry over” to the new regime.

Provision would also need to be made, whether in any new arrangements with the EU/EEA or as a matter of domestic law, for the status of the residual aid measures currently implemented in the UK that predate the accession of the United Kingdom to the EU and are therefore, under the EU rules, regarded as existing aids that are not subject to the same rules as apply to new aid measures: see, for example, the BBC licence fee arrangements.

State aid damages actions against the authority granting an unlawful State aid are rare and none have been successful so far in the UK. But in principle, in domestic law, in relation to unlawful State aid put into effect before Brexit, it seems to us to be clear, without any legislation, that third parties would be entitled to damages in relation to the pre-Brexit period, and could sue for such damages after Brexit.

 

 

[1] See Art. 61 and 62 of the EEA Agreement. Art, 61 essentially repeats Art.107 TFEU.  Art. 62 requires “constant review” of existing and planned measures in the EEA to ensure compatibility with Art.61, a task which in the EEA/EFTA States is allocated to the ESA. The ESA then has, under Art.5 of the Surveillance and Court Agreement (“SCA”), the general duty to ensure the compliance of the EEA/EFTA States with their duties under the EEA Agreement, and Article 24 SCA then enumerates compliance with the State aid rules as an aspect of that duty and points to Protocol 3 SCA. That Protocol effectively incorporates the equivalent provisions to Art.108 TFEU: it provides for the duty to notify new aid (Art.2), and an obligation not to put that aid into effect before approval by the ESA (Art.3).

[2] See e.g. Case E-4/01 Karlsson v Iceland at §28.

[3] See §22 of the ESA’s guidelines on enforcement of the EEA State aid rules by national courts, available at http://www.eftasurv.int/state-aid/legal-framework/state-aid-guidelines/.

[4] Case E-4/01 Karlsson v Iceland at §29.

[5] See §§43ff of the ESA’s guidelines on enforcement of the EEA State aid rules by national courts, available at http://www.eftasurv.int/state-aid/legal-framework/state-aid-guidelines/.

[6] Art.4 of protocol 9 to the EEA.

[7] [2014] OJ L161/3

[8] There are similar provisions in Accession Agreements with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey.

[9] http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-07-176_en.htm?locale=en: the Commission decided that certain company tax regimes in Swiss Cantons in favour of holding, mixed and management companies were a form of State aid incompatible with Art.23, and asked the Council for a mandate to negotiate a satisfactory resolution.

[10] http://1exagu1grkmq3k572418odoooym-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/AFTER-BREXIT.pdf

[11] In both the present 2nd and forthcoming 3rd editions.

[12]In Spain, there is a specific provision (art.11 of Ley 15/2007 de Defensa de la Competencia) allowing the Comisión Nacional de Competencia (the national competition authority: “CNC”) to review and report on any State aids when asked by a local or regional Government to do so, and to require local and regional authoirities to supply it with relevant information. The CNC is also provided, by the Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with a copy of all Spanish State aid notifications.

[13] see e.g. Case T-34/02 EURL Le Levant 001 ECLI:EU:T:2006:59 at §§115-117.

[14] Art.64 EEA gives the ESA a formal right of consultation in relation to the Commission’s development of EU State law and policy, and the ESA may intervene in cases in the EU Courts – indeed it did so recently in a State aid reference from the UK’s Court of Appeal in Case C-518/13 Eventech v Parking Adjudicator ECLI:EU:C:2015:9.

[15] As Norway has done in some EU State aid cases: see e.g. Joined Cases T-371 and 394/94 British Airways et al v Commission [1998] ECR II-2405

[16] An example of a case affecting the UK likely still to be before the EU Courts at that time is Case C-356/15 Austria v Commission (Hinkley Point)

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Ombudsman rejects complaint of maladministration in relation to third party rights in Commission investigations

Some of the readers of this blog will be aware of John Temple Lang’s complaint to the Ombudsman, and related article (“The Charter and the EU State Aid Procedure” in de Vries, Bernitz and Weatherill, The EU Charter of Fundamental Rights as a Binding Instrument), in which he argues that the Commission’s practice of refusing to provide aid beneficiaries and other interested parties with access to its State aid file was in breach of Articles 41 and 47 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU.

In a recent decision (see full text of decision here), the Ombudsman has rejected that complaint. She found that the fact that beneficiaries and other interested parties do not have access to the State aid file reflects their limited role in a State aid investigation, and the fact that the investigation is instigated against a Member State rather than against the aid beneficiary.

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Book launch on 10 October – “EU Renewable Electricity Law and Policy”

UKSALA members are warmly invited to attend the launch of the book “EU Renewable Electricity Law and Policy” by Tim Maxian Rusche, a member of the legal service of the European Commission. Since a central topic of the book is State aid, this work is likely to be of interest to many of our members.

The event will take place on Monday 10 October at 12.30pm, in the Moot Court at Kings College, Strand Campus. Full details and a registration link are here.

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Ferracci and Montessori: ecclesiastical aid and post-Lisbon admissibility

On 15 September 2015 the General Court handed down two parallel judgments in the Ferracci and Montessori cases, concerning Italian rules granting tax exemptions for various “non-commercial” entities, including ecclesiastical institutions. The judgments are noteworthy for their comments on the impossibility defence to recovery and the application of the State aid rules to entities with predominantly non-commercial activities. Nevertheless, for this blogger, the most unusual aspect of the judgments is that this is the very first occasion where a challenge to a State aid decision was found to be admissible on the grounds that the decision was a “regulatory act which … does not entail implementing measures” for the purposes of the fourth subparagraph of Article 263 TFEU.

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Berlin seminar slides and handouts

The slides and other materials from the joint seminar with the Berliner Gesprächskreis zum Europäischen Beihilfenrecht, on 24 June 2016, are all available here for those who are interested (click on individual speaker names to obtain their slides or speeches).

We are, once again, enormously grateful to the Berliner Gesprächskreis for organising and hosting such a successful event – and for their solidarity on the day following the result of the EU referendum overnight.

 

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Apple State aid decision just announced

In a press release today (http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-16-2923_en.htm), the Commission has announced that it has decided that Apple received State aid from Ireland in the form of “undue tax benefits of up to €13 billion”.

According to Ms Vestager, the Commissioner responsible for competition, “Ireland granted illegal tax benefits to Apple, which enabled it to pay substantially less tax than other businesses over many years. In fact, this selective treatment allowed Apple to pay an effective corporate tax rate of 1 per cent on its European profits in 2003 down to 0.005 per cent in 2014.”

The thrust of the decision (the full text of which will not be made public for a while) appears to be as follows.  First, as a matter of background, Apple had set up sales arrangements across the EU which meant that sales were regarded for tax purposes as effected in Ireland.  Second, against that background (which does not appear to be questioned, though see below), Ireland  agreed, in tax rulings in 1991 and 2007, “artificial” arrangements which allowed profits from those sales to be allocated to a head office “not based in any country”.  It is those tax rulings which are attacked as “selective”.

As to recovery, the Commission interestingly notes that, having looked at its decision, other EU Member States may want to open up the conclusion that the sales arrangements entered into by Apple across the EU did result in sales being made (for tax purposes) in Ireland.  If they do that, the Commission says, that will impact on the amount that Ireland needs to recover, since it will reduce the volume of Irish sales.  Further, in a comment that may reflect adverse US comment on its investigation, the Commission states that “the amount of unpaid taxes to be recovered by the Irish authorities would also be reduced if the US authorities were to require Apple to pay larger amounts of money to their US parent company for this period to finance research and development efforts.”

Some commentators have suggested that this decision calls Ireland’s generally low corporation tax rate into question.  That is simply wrong: the decision is not about Ireland’s generally low rate (which is not subject to control in EU law) but rather about what amounts, in effect, to an alleged waiver by Ireland of its own tax rules by incorrectly accepting Apple’s allocation of profits to its head office based in no country, when that allocation had “no factual or economic justification”.

As usual in these cases, the devil is in the detail: it will be important to look carefully at the actual decision (reported to be 130 pages long) before any confident assessment can be made of its implications.

 

GEORGE PERETZ QC

 

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IMPLICATIONS OF BREXIT FOR STATE AID: THE “ICELAND TO TURKEY” OPTIONS

State aid is a creature of the EU Treaties.  So, a a matter of law, as soon as the United Kingdom ceases to be party to the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU, State aid law simply vanishes.

Or does it?

In fact, State aid control exists in various forms in Europe outside the EU – in what Michael Gove, during the referendum campaign, described as the “free trade zone stretching from Iceland to Turkey that all European nations have access to, regardless of whether they are in or out of the euro or EU” – a zone in which he promised the UK would stay.

The obvious unknown element in thinking about the post-Brexit future of the State aid rules in the United Kingdom is the attitude the UK Government will take to those rules. In general, the United Kingdom has been strongly supportive of the State aid rules: and no UK Government since that of Mrs Thatcher has been in favour of State support to business in the absence of a good case for market failure. The United Kingdom has an excellent record of compliance with the State aid rules. Further, the consensus of responses to the Coalition Government’s review of the balance of competence between the EU and UK was that: –

3.27 … there was broad agreement in principle on the current balance of competence on State aid, but some expressed concern about its limits, about real or apparent extension of EU competence into areas of domestic policy, and about the way State aid controls are exercised.

On the other hand, during the referendum campaign the Leave campaign argued, in relation to the problems affecting Tata Steel, that out of the EU the United Kingdom would have a free hand to grant subsidies on energy costs to support the steel industry. It may perhaps be pointed out that some of those making that argument were not generally known for their support for interference with the free market: but it should also be noted that the current leader of the Labour Party (though in favour of remaining in the EU) stated that “There are certainly problems about EU state aid rules, which need reform.” And the present author is aware that a number of Ministers in the present Government have seen the application of the State aid rules as an obstacle to projects that they wish to promote. And, finally, the comment at the end of the paragraph quoted above refers to business concerns that the State aid rules can be taken too far, particularly in the area of taxation (with, perhaps, the current tax ruling cases such as Starbucks and Fiat in mind).

So it cannot be certain that the Government would necessarily want to accept continuation of the State aid rules. However, although this risks straying into political matters, the present writer considers that the new Prime Minister – who is of course from a party that generally believes in the free market – is likely to regard accepting control on State aid as a relatively easy “give” in negotiations with the EU. A further point in support of the “give” is that the State aid rules serve the useful purpose, within the United Kingdom, of controlling the ability of the devolved Governments – and in future, city regions exercising devolved powers – to grant State aid and of preventing ultimately futile “subsidy races” between different parts of the United Kingdom seeking to attract investment.

Moreover, a quick glance at the various arrangements between non-EU European states (from Iceland to Turkey) and the EU shows that State aid control is likely to be a sine qua non of any agreement that can be described as providing access to the single market.

To start with Iceland. Iceland, along with Norway and Liechtenstein, is party, as an EFTA State, to the EEA Agreement with the EU. Article 61 of the EEA Agreement provides that:-

61. Save as otherwise provided in this Agreement, any aid granted by EC Member States, EFTA States or through State resources in any form whatsoever which distorts or threatens to distort competition by favouring certain undertakings or the production of certain goods shall, in so far as it affects trade between Contracting Parties, be incompatible with the functioning of this Agreement.

2. The following shall be compatible with the functioning of this Agreement:

(a) aid having a social character, granted to individual consumers, provided that such aid is granted without discrimination related to the origin of the products concerned;

(b) aid to make good the damage caused by natural disasters or exceptional occurrences;

(c) aid granted to the economy of certain areas of the Federal Republic of Germany affected by the division of Germany, in so far as such aid is required in order to compensate for the economic disadvantages caused by that division.

3. The following may be considered to be compatible with the functioning of this Agreement:

(a) aid to promote the economic development of areas where the standard of living is abnormally low or where there is serious underemployment;

(b) aid to promote the execution of an important project of common European interest or to remedy a serious disturbance in the economy of an EC Member State or an EFTA State;

(c) aid to facilitate the development of certain economic activities or of certain economic areas, where such aid does not adversely affect trading conditions to an extent contrary to the common interest;

(d) such other categories of aid as may be specified by the EEA Joint Committee in accordance with Part VII.

Resemblances between that provision and Article 107 TFEU – the TFEU provision on State aid – are entirely intentional: the provisions are more or less mirror images of each other. The only difference that cannot be described as “mutatis mutandis” is the absence, in Article 61(3) EEA of an equivalent to Article 107(3)(d) TFEU, dealing with culture and heritage conservations (which was originally inserted into the EU State aid rules by the Treaty of Maastricht in 1993). However, even there, the EFTA Surveillance Authority (“ESA”) has stated that it “acknowledges that state aid measures may be approved on cultural grounds on the basis of Article 61(3)(c) of the EEA Agreement“¹.

Moreover, it is clear from the decisional practice of the ESA and the jurisprudence of the EFTA Court that Article 61 EEA is to be read in precisely the same way as Article 107 TFEU: and the EFTA Court will have regard to the jurisprudence of the CJEU in relation to such questions as what is an “undertaking”² and as to selectivity in tax measures³.

In fact, the only real difference is that, in the EEA/EFTA States, State aid to the fisheries sector is dealt with in a separate regime (in Article 4 of Protocol 9 to the EEA) which requires the abolition of State aid to the fisheries sector but which is not subject to the enforcement powers of the ESA.

Subject to that fishy caveat, the enforcement powers of the ESA in the EEA State aid system are effectively the same as those of the Commission in the EU system. The mechanism is, however, a bit more complex. So, Article 62 EEA requires “constant review” of existing and planned measures in the EEA to ensure compatibility with Article 61, a task which in the EEA/EFTA States is allocated to the ESA. The ESA then has, under Article 5 of the Surveillance and Court Agreement (“SCA”), the general duty to ensure the compliance of the EEA/EFTA States with their duties under the EEA Agreement, and Article 24 SCA then enumerates compliance with the State aid rules as an aspect of that duty and points to Protocol 3 SCA. That Protocol effectively incorporates the equivalent provisions to Article 108 TFEU: it provides for the duty to notify new aid (Article 2), and an obligation not to put that aid into effect before clearance by the ESA (Article 3). Other provisions of Protocol 3 SCA reproduce the main provisions of Council Regulation 659/1999 (the EU procedural regulation) as originally enacted providing, in particular, for recovery orders, suspension injunctions, limitation periods and information-gathering powers. It is not yet clear whether the amendments to that Regulation (now consolidated into Council Regulation 1589/2015) will be adopted.  As for the EFTA Court, it plays much the same role in the EEA State aid system as does the CJEU/General Court: it hears appeals from ESA decisions, and can also give advisory opinions (not technically binding) to national courts.

If the UK joined EFTA and successfully applied to become party to the EEA, therefore, little would change in the United Kingdom in relation to State aid apart from some re-labelling and the replacement of the Commission and ECJ by the ESA and EFTA Court. There might even be some advantage in terms of speed, given that the EFTA Court is able at the moment to hear appeals much more quickly than the General Court (and to the relief of monolingual Brits, operates in English – one reason for its relative speed).

However, for various reasons the Government may well decide that the EEA is not an option for the United Kingdom. What is the position in relation to other agreements entered into between the EU and other European countries?

Mr Gove’s speech also referred to Turkey, at the opposite end of Europe to Iceland. The key point to make about Turkey, in the current context, is that the 2007 Accession Partnership agreement between the EU and Turkey requires Turkey to adopt State aid rules and to set up an internal enforcement mechanism for them. Indeed, that obligation dates back to the 1995 Customs Union agreement with Turkey. Turkey’s compliance with those requirements has, to date, been less than entirely satisfactory4. But the obligation is clear. Similar obligations are included in accession partnership agreements with Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Finally, there is the position of Switzerland. Switzerland is not party to the EEA Agreement, but has a series of bilateral agreements with the EU. Of those, the ones that mention State aid are, the 1972 Free Trade Agreement and the 1999 Agreement on Air Transport. The 1972 FTA contains, at Article 23(1)(iii), a general prohibition on “any public aid which distorts or threatens to distort competition by favouring certain undertakings or the production of certain goods.” The present writer understands that this provision has not been applied in Switzerland and that as a matter of Swiss law it is of limited application. The 1999 Air Transport Agreement is more thorough in its reference to familiar concepts of EU State aid law, containing at Article 13 a provision that closely reflects Article 107 TFEU: however, although specific provision is made in relation to enforcement of the Articles reflecting Articles 101 and 102 TFEU (the general prohibitions on anti-competitive agreements and abuse of dominant position) by the European Commission and the Swiss authorities, no enforcement mechanism for Article 13 is provided other than, at Article 14, a general requirement to keep measures falling within Article 13 under review. The present writer also understands that Swiss law contains general prohibitions on public subsidies that fail to meet conditions of economic efficiency and a general requirement that Swiss government bodies respect competitive neutrality: but he also understands that these are not often invoked before the Swiss courts.

In the present writer’s view, the 1999 Agreement with Switzerland, and the agreements with accession states, are a more reliable guide to the EU’s likely position on State aid than the 1972 Agreement. So it is likely that any preferential trade agreement with the EU would involve the UK’s acceptance of at least an internal mechanism for controlling State aid – and the EU is likely to insist on some form of enforcement mechanism. There would, however, be a number of practical and constitutional issues to be resolved in setting up such a mechanism. It would be possible to have an Act of Parliament binding all devolved administrations and public bodies not to grant State aid, and providing for enforcement by, say the Competition and Markets Authority. But serious issues would arise where State aid arose as the result of primary UK legislation, particularly in the field of tax: the idea that the CMA could hold that UK tax legislation was invalid to the extent that it granted State aid and that it could order recovery against taxpayers benefiting from a tax break granted by statute would be, to put it mildly, a constitutional innovation. Moreover, there might well be some resistance to the idea that the CMA should apply ECJ/EFTA Court jurisprudence into which the United Kingdom would have no continuing input: it is one thing for States on their way in to the EU, or EFTA States, to accept such a condition, but quite another for the condition to be accepted by a former EU/EEA Member State on the way out.

Nonetheless, as argued above, the United Kingdom is likely to find that the EU insists on a State aid provision in any agreement going beyond the WTO framework and that this is a relatively easy “give”. The likelihood of the “give” is reinforced by the point that even the “WTO option” also contains obligations that bear some resemblance to State aid rules.  But that is for another blog.

George Peretz QC

 


1 See §87 of its Decision on the financing of the Harpa concert hall in Reykjavik.

2 See, e.g., Case E-5/07 Private Barnehagers v ESA (which referred, inter alia, to CJEU case-law on what is a “service” under free movement of services provisions).

3 See e.g. Joined Cases E-17/10 and 6/11 Liechtenstein and VTM Fund Management v ESA, at §§74-75.

4 Turkey 2015 report accompanying the EU Enlargement Strategy Communication, SWD(2015) 216 final, bottom of page 33.

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AG opinion in Irish Air Travel Tax case

This morning Advocate General Mengozzi handed down his opinion in the appeals in the Aer Lingus and Ryanair cases concerning the Irish air travel tax (Joined Cases C-164/15 P and C-165/15 P). The AG has recommended setting aside, in part, the judgment of the General Court, and remitting the case to the General Court for judgment on the remaining issues not decided in that case.

The opinion is here. Given the interesting and difficult issues which these appeals raise, in particular on the relationship between the State aid rules and the free movement rules, the CJEU will need to consider very carefully the conclusions it reaches in its judgment in this case.

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Brexit: Implications for State aid

The United Kingdom’s vote to leave the EU has the potential to have a major impact on State aid law.  We will explore those implications on this website and in future events (and please do blog on this website or send us thoughts and ideas for future events – use the contact page on the website).

 For the moment, two initial points.

First, the EU State aid rules still have full effect in the United Kingdom and will do until the United Kingdom ceases to be party to the Treaties.  The United Kingdom remains bound not to grant State aid unless it is exempt or notified.  And UK courts remain bound to enforce the State aid rules, including granting injunctions and awarding damages.  

Second, it is almost certain that compliance with State aid rules will be a condition of any extensive trading arrangement between the United Kingdom and the EU.  That is, not least, because successive UK governments have accepted the basic principles of the State aid rules, and the UK government is not likely to want to see subsidy races between different local authorities and devolved governments.  If the UK joins the EEA Agreement, that Agreement has the same rules on State aid as the EU Treaties, save that enforcement is carried out by the EFTA Surveillance Authority and EFTA Court rather than the Commission and ECJ.  An alternative arrangement might be some form of national level enforcement by the CMA or some other authority. 

We suspect that most UKSALA members regret the result of the referendum, as do we.  It is also likely that, whatever arrangements for State aid eventually result, the United Kingdom’s considerable influence on the development of those rules across Europe will be very significantly reduced.  However, we believe that all UK State aid practitioners will want to take part in developing new arrangements for the control of State aid in the United Kingdom, and we hope that UKSALA can play a prominent role in that, while maintaining personal and professional links with our State aid colleagues on the continent.

KELYN BACON QC

GEORGE PERETZ QC

 

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